Lucknow: As Uttar Pradesh prepares to battle intense polls, The Wooing and the mobilization of the Brahmin Community has taken the midst of political and election planning in the most populous state in the country.
Accounting of around 11% of voters, Brahmin voters are well placed by all political clothing for election benefits.
Experts say the Brahmin community is not only a voting class but is also considered a ‘propagator’ and ‘influencer’.
“It is said that a Brahmins brought five more people.
The public has a clear potential to establish a narrative that ultimately decides the fate of elections from any political clothing,” said a political expert, Lucknow University Prof.
Ravi.
Not surprisingly, Brahmin was being cleaned with all parties in front of the election.
BJP has returned to his trademark, Hindutva narrative in addition to a special committee of the Brahmin leaders led by Rajya Sabha MP Shuv Pratap Shukla to consolidate the brahmana vote at grassroots.
The Head of BSP Mayawati also launched a social engineering formula that had been tried and tested included the incorporation of Dalit and the top of the caste who had catapulted it to power with the majority for the first time in 2007.
Maywati mobilized its trusted aide and the face of Brahmana SC Mishra to hold Prabuddha Varg Sammelans for Reach Brahmana and announce that he will “allow the construction of RAM temple in Ayodhya” to power.
The Head of the Jamajwadi Party Akhilesh Yadav also played soft hindutva, which promised the installation of the parshuram statue above, besides calling Lord Krishna.
The party strengthened the Brahmana outreach strategy in December last year triggered two sitting Brahmana MLAS – Jai Chaubey from Khalilabad (Sant Kabir Nagar) and Vinay Shankar Tewari from Chillupar chair (Gorakhpur).
Vinay happens to be the son of Gorakhpur Strongman Shankar Tewari Day, strong supporters of Brahmin politics.
Not left behind, Secretary General of Congress Priyanka Gandhi Vadra called Dewi Durga in a rally in Varanasi in October and urged the audience to oppose ‘Jai Mata in’ in what was seen as a charming message to the Brahmana.
Experts showed that Brahmana had stood firmly behind the congress but floated sharply at BJP when the RAM temple movement peaked.
The withdrawal of the Safron Party support for VP Singh leads the national front government, which applies the supply report of the Mandal Commission report for the classes backwards in 1990, playing an important role in combining the Upper Castes further, as if Brahmani with BJP.
The emergence of strong BSP and SP in the mid-1990s caused BJP to enhance the commotion around the RAM temple.
The SP-BSP alliance in 1993, in fact, threw a shrill slogan: “Miley Mulayam Kansiram, Eve Mein Ud Gaye Jai Shri Ram.” The political scene above remains passionate for the next decade, until 2007 when BSP, led by Mayawati, managed to exprove the social engineering formula and invade up.
“Brahmana is a BSP experimental shaft where the party cleverly changes its political principle from becoming a rainy party with Sarvajan.
This is immediately after the founder of BSP Death Kansiram in 2006,” Prof Kant said.
Experts insist that Brahmana BJP’s voice distribution has declined consistently since 2002 when it gets 50% of the total brahmanic vote.
It dropped to 44% in 2007 and then became 38% in 2012.
The Jamajwadi party won the 2012 election to get 19% of Brahmana, while BSP got 19%.
Brahmana returned to BJP in the 2017 assembly election, three years after the Safron party stormed power in the middle and Narendra Modi was appointed to the PM seat.